The rulebooks name those traditionally underrepresented in politics, who face obstacles to participating, or who feel disillusioned, and operationalize this with dedicated assemblies (youth, seniors, Spanish speakers in Cycle 1; Filipino with Tagalog interpretation and African American from Cycle 2), demographic delegate committees (youth and Spanish-speaking committees formed in Cycles 1 to 3), a voting age of 16 then 14, eligibility regardless of citizenship, registration or conviction with 24 forms of ID or a signed oath, and from Cycle 3 a program pot reserved for services where at least 51 percent of recipients are low- to moderate-income. Verification was unusually good: surveys at each phase compared with Census and ACS data at p=0.01. It shows youth over-delivered (18 percent of Cycle 1 votes, 34 percent in Cycle 2, though the winning eight projects were the same with youth removed), seniors 55 to 74 and white, college-educated, female, native-English-speaking residents were over-represented, Asians and non-native English speakers were under-represented in every phase of Cycle 1, Hispanic and African American residents dropped off at the vote, 25 to 34 year olds were missing throughout, and unregistered residents were grossly under-represented among voters in Cycle 2. The Steering Committee itself was the deepest form of reach, with NAACP, Filipino and Hispanic organizations designing rules from the start; the Filipino community's leaders declined Tagalog assistance in Cycle 1 and it was added in Cycle 2. Nothing documents reach by neighborhood.