| Named audiences | Reason for centering | Reach mode | Verification |
|---|---|---|---|
| Youth | Representation gap | Targeted outreach within a universal process, Dedicated channels | Comparison to baseline |
| Specific ethnic or racial communities | Equity | Targeted outreach within a universal process | Comparison to baseline |
| Low-income residents | Equity | Targeted outreach within a universal process | Comparison to baseline |
| People excluded from electoral politics | Representation gap | Targeted outreach within a universal process | Self-report or surveys |
| Language-minority communities | Equity | Targeted outreach within a universal process, Dedicated channels | Demographic data on participants |
| Elders | Representation gap | Dedicated channels | Demographic data on participants |
| Specific neighborhoods or geographies of need | Equity | Dedicated channels | Demographic data on participants |
| Formerly incarcerated people | Representation gap | Targeted outreach within a universal process | None |
| People with disabilities | Mandate | Dedicated channels | None |
Goal 2 of every rulebook from Cycle 3 names 'young people, people of color, immigrants, low-income people, the formerly incarcerated and other marginalized groups'; the Cycle 9 equity principle adds race, ethnicity, age, ability, sexual orientation, gender identity, disability, socioeconomic status, geography, citizenship status and religion. The design centers them through eligibility (no citizenship requirement, proof of residency only, voting age 18 in the pilot, 16 from Cycle 2, 14 from Cycle 6, 11 or 6th grade from Cycle 7; delegates from age 14, later 11; from 2025 anyone who lives, works or attends school in the district) and through required special assemblies, demographic delegate committees (youth, seniors, non-English speakers), mobile vote sites at senior centers, schools and public housing, translation into the district's top three, later four, languages, and, where possible, food, childcare, MetroCards and interpretation. Youth got dedicated infrastructure later: Coro's PB Youth Fellows and Girls for Gender Equity (since 2015), and the Council reported the youth share of the vote rising from 11.5 to 16.6 percent in Cycle 7. Here 'Specific neighborhoods or geographies of need' stands for public housing (NYCHA) residents, and 'People excluded from electoral politics' for non-citizens and under-18s. Verification came from the evaluators' voter and assembly surveys compared with census data and 2009 and 2013 local election voter files: in Cycle 3, 62 percent of voters were people of color (41 percent in Cycle 2), 49 percent had household incomes under $50,000, 36 percent were born outside the US, 14 percent were not citizens, 13 percent were under 25, and 22 percent of ballots were cast in a language other than English; in Cycle 4, 57 percent were people of color against 47 percent of local election voters, 23 percent had a barrier to voting in regular elections, and about one in five voted in a language other than English. Reach was uneven: District 39 stayed mostly white, college-educated and higher-income; District 23 underrepresented its Asian residents. The formerly incarcerated are named but no evaluation measured their participation. After Cycle 4 the only reach data in these sources are the Council's youth share and ballot-language figures.
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